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The Complexity of Indigenous Alliances During the American Revolution

The Complexity of Indigenous Alliances During the American Revolution

By Samantha Saba, B.A. in History and English, Christopher Newport University (’26), and Sheri Shuck-Hall, PhD, Professor of History, Christopher Newport University

When we picture an American Revolutionary, who comes to mind? Perhaps a rugged militiaman taking up arms for liberty, or a disgruntled British colonist demanding political representation. While these images represent one familiar demographic of freedom fighters, there is another group that contributed just as much to the making of the nation—one whose stories remain far less known to the public. Native Americans were pivotal actors in the American Revolution, yet the accounts of individual Indigenous leaders, strategists, and soldiers who distinguished themselves are often left out of standard narratives.

From the Oneida in the Northeast to the Pamunkey in Virginia and the Muscogee Creeks in the South, Native Americans played significant roles on both sides of the conflict. Indigenous allies were ultimately instrumental in forging the success of the Revolution. These nations found themselves in the middle of a complex geopolitical chessboard as the British Empire and domestic revolutionaries squared off to determine the continent’s future. In the heat of this conflict, Indigenous individuals rose to defend their communities, aid their chosen allies, and shape the war’s outcome. Serving as spies, diplomatic intermediaries, soldiers, and logisticians, Native Americans were active agents of change whose alliances were fiercely contested by European and American powers. These are their stories.[1]

Am I My Brother’s Keeper? Robert Mursh and the Intersections of Faith and Loyalty

Alignment, allegiance, and identity were complex variables for Native Americans facing existential choices during the American Revolution. The experiences of Robert Mursh (also documented as Mush or Marsh) illustrate how personal upbringing and local institutional ties directly shaped wartime decisions. A Pamunkey Indian living in the Chesapeake region of Virginia, Mursh’s life was molded by more than a century of evolving legal and social interactions between his tribe and European colonists.

Under the terms of regional peace agreements, including the Treaty of Middle Plantation, Pamunkey families periodically sent young boys to Williamsburg to be educated in English customs and languages. Mursh was one of these students; he was Christianized and educated at the Brafferton School, the Indian department established at the College of William & Mary. Through his time at the Brafferton and his subsequent connections within colonial Christian networks, Mursh was directly exposed to public political discourse. The relationships he formed with local Virginians heavily influenced his decision to enlist in the Continental Army, taking up arms alongside the revolutionaries.[2]

Serving within the 15th Virginia Regiment, Mursh marched through several of the war’s most grueling campaigns, seeing action at the battles of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth. In May 1780, during the catastrophic Siege of Charleston, Mursh was captured by British forces and held as a prisoner of war for fourteen months. Following his release, he immediately re-enlisted, returning to active duty in time to fight at the decisive Siege of Yorktown in 1781, where he witnessed the surrender of the British army.

Following the conclusion of hostilities, Mursh settled with his Pamunkey wife, Elizabeth, and became a prominent Christian minister, traveling to share his faith with neighboring Native communities. The details of Mursh’s military career are preserved in comprehensive pension applications and family records housed within the National Archives, demonstrating that his institutional service was recognized and compensated by the federal government. His journey stands as a powerful testament to how relational ties and educational environments guided the difficult choices of individual soldiers.[3]

Geopolitical Sovereignty: Alexander McGillivray and the Creek Nation

While the United States emerged victorious from its war for independence, the conclusion of the conflict brought starkly divergent outcomes for the native populations of the American South. Alexander McGillivray (1750–1793), known within his nation as Hoboi-Hili-Miko, was born in present-day Alabama to a wealthy Scottish trader and an influential woman of the Muscogee Creek Wind Clan. Educated in Charleston, McGillivray navigated the outbreak of the American Revolution by prioritizing the economic independence and territorial security of the Creek Confederacy.[4]

When open war broke out, McGillivray aligned his interests with Great Britain, receiving a commission as a colonel in the British Army. He utilized British trade goods and diplomatic channels to rally portions of the Upper Creek towns to combat the expansionist American frontiersmen. However, this alliance fractured internal tribal cohesion; McGillivray’s pro-British policies sparked intense friction and suspicion among the American-allied Lower Creeks. Following the British retreat in 1783, the Creek nation faced immediate, synchronized territorial pressure from both the newly formed United States and Spanish authorities in Florida.

In response, McGillivray demonstrated masterful diplomatic skill by playing these rival imperial powers against each other. In 1784, he negotiated the Treaty of Pensacola with Spain, establishing a lucrative commercial monopoly for British trading firms while securing Spanish guarantees for Creek territory. McGillivray used this international leverage to consolidate his personal position as a principal chief of the Creek nation.[5]

Throughout the late 1780s and early 1790s, McGillivray continued to manage regional diplomacy through a sequence of complex treaties with both European officials and the Washington administration. While his diplomatic maneuvers successfully delayed large-scale American encroachment for a time, subsequent agreements required the cession of portions of ancestral Creek hunting grounds. To escape internal political opposition and tribal prosecution, McGillivray spent his final months under Spanish protection in Pensacola, where he passed away in 1793. His complex career highlights the high-stakes, gray-area diplomacy that Southern Indigenous leaders were forced to navigate to preserve their national boundaries.[6]

Kinship and Coalition: Molly Brant and the Iroquois League

During the imperial crisis, female Indigenous leaders wielded immense political authority, making decisions that profoundly affected the strategic trajectories of their nations. Konwatsi’tsiaienni, widely known by her English name as Molly Brant, was a high-ranking Mohawk clan matron and an influential diplomat within the Iroquois (Haudenosaunee) Confederacy. She was the elder sister of the prominent Mohawk war chief Thayendanegea (Joseph Brant) and the consort of Sir William Johnson, the British Superintendent of Indian Affairs, with whom she managed a vast estate and raised eight children in upstate New York.[7]

Brant’s upbringing placed her at a cultural crossroads, allowing her to serve as a vital political mediator between the Iroquois League and the British Crown. As the imperial crisis escalated into war, Brant utilized her traditional authority as a clan matron to sway the Iroquois Grand Council, successfully convincing her brother Joseph and four of the six Iroquois nations to declare open allegiance to the British Empire. Recognizing her unmatched political clout, British official Daniel Claus observed:

“One word from her goes further with them than a thousand words from any white man without exception.”[8]

Throughout the conflict, Brant transformed her home into a critical intelligence hub, sheltering fleeing Loyalists, feeding frontier units, and smuggling vital munitions to British forces. Her actions were driven by a sophisticated understanding of kinship obligations and a realistic calculation that a British victory offered the most reliable defense against the aggressive expansion of American agricultural settlers.

However, the war shattered the historic cohesion of the Iroquois Confederacy, pitting brother against brother. Following the American victory, the Mohawk nation paid a catastrophic price for its loyalty to the Crown; their villages were systematically destroyed by the Sullivan Expedition, and they were forced to permanently abandon their ancestral homelands for exile in Ontario, Canada. Despite these displacement losses, Brant’s fierce defense of her nation’s sovereignty cemented her legacy as an elite diplomat of the revolutionary era.[9]

Shadows of the Tidewater: The Unwritten Service of John Bass

While high-ranking diplomats dominate historical records, many Indigenous soldiers served in the ranks of the Continental Army whose personal backgrounds remain largely obscured by time. One such figure was John Bass (alternatively recorded as James Bass), a citizen of the Nansemond nation—one of the historic tribes belonging to the wider Powhatan Confederacy of Tidewater Virginia. While the Nansemond community navigated internal divisions regarding the war, Bass chose to actively enlist with the local Patriot forces.[10]

Bass marched with regional militia units during the crucial early campaigns in Virginia. Most notably, he fought at the Battle of Great Bridge in December 1775, contributing to a strategic victory that successfully expelled the Royal Governor, Lord Dunmore, and secured southeastern Virginia for the revolutionary cause.

While specific archival details regarding Bass’s daily life outside of his military service are sparse, his contributions were formally codified by his contemporaries. In 1832, more than half a century after his enlistment, the federal government officially awarded Bass a military pension. His application was authenticated by prominent local citizens—including J.Y. Green, James Mosely, James Billington, and James Patterson—who stepped forward as character witnesses to verify his honorable wartime service under oath.

Bass belonged to a faction of the Nansemond nation that had adopted English agricultural styles and Christianity, a cultural shift that provided unique legal opportunities within the early American republic. However, this religious and cultural adaptation did not shield the Nansemond people from systematic discrimination and ongoing land loss in post-war Virginia. The surviving fragments of Bass’s pension application stand as a testament to the thousands of unheralded Indigenous servicemen who directly built the foundations of American independence.[11]

Saving Valley Forge: Polly Cooper and Oneida Humanitarianism

Polly Cooper was an influential Oneida woman whose actions during the dark winter of the war illustrated the profound humanitarian commitments of her nation. While their Haudenosaunee brethren—including the Mohawks—aligned with the British, the Oneida Nation chose to honor their long-standing covenants with local colonists and missionaries by formally declaring allegiance to the United States. This decision fractured the ancient Iroquois Confederacy, but the Oneida remained steadfast in their commitment to the Patriot cause.[12]

During the legendary winter of 1777–1778, General George Washington’s Continental Army was on the brink of total collapse at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. Plagued by disease, freezing temperatures, and systemic supply failures, the starving army faced imminent dissolution. Responding to the crisis, the Oneida Nation organized a grueling relief expedition, carrying tons of white corn and supplies over 250 miles of winter terrain directly to the valley camp.

Polly Cooper was a central figure in this relief mission. Upon her arrival, she recognized that the starving American soldiers were attempting to eat the raw corn uncooked, which caused severe illness. Cooper stepped forward to manage the camp kitchens, teaching the troops how to properly hull, boil, and prepare the corn into nutritious, digestible food.

When the campaign concluded, Cooper steadfastly refused to accept any monetary compensation from the Continental Army, stating that it was her duty to aid friends in distress. In a gesture of profound gratitude, Martha Washington and the officers’ wives presented Cooper with a fine black wool shawl. This garment became an invaluable heirloom within the Oneida nation, serving as an enduring material symbol of alliance, kindness, and mutual survival. Today, the legendary Polly Cooper shawl remains preserved and displayed as a treasure at the Oneida Nation Cultural Center.[13]

Tragic Irony on the Frontier: Abraham Nimham and the Stockbridge Militia

The price of patriotism was often steep, as demonstrated by the tragic battlefield sacrifices of the Stockbridge-Mohican nation. Abraham Nimham was a respected leader within the Stockbridge community and the son of Daniel Nimham, the last great sachem of the historic Wappinger people of the Hudson Valley. Driven by a desire to secure legal recognition of their ancestral lands and protect their tribal sovereignty from encroaching New York landlords, both father and son chose to align their elite warriors with the Continental Army.[14]

Commissioned as officers by George Washington, the Nimhams organized and commanded the Stockbridge Militia, an elite scouting unit that fought alongside Patriot forces throughout the northern campaigns. The unit was renowned for its exceptional tracking skills, endurance, and battlefield discipline. However, the fortunes of war turned tragic on August 31, 1778, during the Battle of Kingsbridge (located in the modern-day Bronx, New York). While conducting reconnaissance operations, Nimham’s scouting unit was ambushed and surrounded by a superior force of Loyalist cavalry and Hessian mercenaries under the command of Col. John Graves Simcoe. Though fighting valiantly in hand-to-hand combat against overwhelming odds, nearly forty Stockbridge warriors—including both Abraham and his father Daniel—were killed on the field.

The story of the Stockbridge Militia concludes with a bitter historical irony. Despite laying down their lives for the cause of American liberty, the surviving Mohican community was denied the security they had fought to protect. Following the Treaty of Paris, the new American government failed to honor its wartime promises of land preservation. The Stockbridge-Mohicans were systematically displaced, pushed entirely off their ancestral Hudson Valley lands and forced into successive migrations westward. Their legacy endures as a reminder of the steep human cost of the war and the complex debts owed to the nation’s earliest defenders.[15]

Restoring Indigenous Narratives to Public Memory

The military, diplomatic, and social history of the American Revolution remains fundamentally incomplete without a thorough evaluation of the active participation of Indigenous nations. Native American choices throughout the conflict were dictated by structured, long-term strategies designed to protect tribal sovereignty, preserve ancestral land bases, and fulfill deep-seated kinship obligations.

The experiences of leaders like Molly Brant and Alexander McGillivray, alongside soldiers and logisticians like Robert Mursh, John Bass, Polly Cooper, and Abraham Nimham, demonstrate that the Revolutionary War was a complex, continental struggle for self-determination. Rather than acting as passive observers or tragic victims of expansion, these individuals navigated the crises of imperial collapse with diplomatic nuance and military skill. Documenting their accounts transforms the public understanding of the Revolutionary era, reframing the conflict from a localized colonial rebellion into a global, multicultural war for independence. To explore these diverse Indigenous narratives and view the material culture of the conflict firsthand, visitors are encouraged to tour the galleries at the American Revolution Museum at Yorktown.[16]

About the Author

Samantha Saba graduated from Christopher Newport University in 2026, earning a double major in History and English, with minors in Political Science and Middle Eastern/North African Studies. She was awarded a graduate fellowship to American University to pursue an M.A. in Public History. This exhibition script was developed in professional collaboration with Catherine Van Dyke at the Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation and benefited from the research guidance of Dr. Pat Hannum.

Notes

  1. Colin G. Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in Native American Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 26–32.
  2. Buck Woodard, “Students of the Brafferton Indian School,” in Building the Brafferton: The Founding, Funding, and Legacy of America’s Indian School (Williamsburg, VA: Muscarelle Museum of Art, 2019), 130.
  3. Robert Mursh Archive File, Revolutionary War Pension and Bounty-Land Warrant Application Files, Record Group 15, National Archives, Washington, D.C.; see also The Treaty of Middle Plantation, 1677 records.
  4. George Milne, “McGillivray, Alexander (1750–1793) Creek Chief,” in Encyclopedia of Revolutionary America (New York: Infobase Learning, 2010), 537–538.
  5. John Burch, “McGillivray, Alexander (ca. 1750–1793),” in Imperialism and Expansionism in American History (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2016), 415–416.
  6. Colin G. Calloway, “Courting McGillivray,” in The Indian World of George Washington (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 346–377.
  7. Peggy Dymond Leavey, Molly Brant: Mohawk Loyalist and Diplomat (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2015), 78–79.
  8. Letter from Daniel Claus to General Frederick Haldimand, 1779, cited in Leavey, Molly Brant, 89.
  9. Leavey, Molly Brant, 87, 102–105.
  10. Helen C. Rountree, Pocahontas’s People: The Powhatan Indians of Virginia Through Four Centuries (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 84–85, 141.
  11. Pension Application for John Bass, S1745, Southern Campaigns Revolutionary War Statements and Rosters, transcribed by Will Graves, https://revwarapps.org/s1745.pdf.
  12. Colin G. Calloway, The Indian World of George Washington: The First President, the First Americans, and the Birth of the Nation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018).
  13. Oneida Nation Curatorial Files, Oneida Nation Cultural Center, Oneida, New York.
  14. Colin G. Calloway, “Stockbridge: The New England Patriots,” in The American Revolution in Indian Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 85–107.
  15. Ibid., 108–112.
  16. Institutional Gallery Profiles, Department of Curatorial Interpretation, Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation, https://www.jyfmuseums.org/.

Machicomoco State Park: A Special Meeting Place

Machicomoco State Park: A Special Meeting Place

By Mazie Clark, B.A., Christopher Newport University and Sheri Shuck-Hall, Ph.D., Professor of History, Christopher Newport University

For too long, American Indigenous history has been overlooked in schools and parks. Machicomoco State Park is the first Virginia State Park with a mission dedicated to preserving, celebrating, and interpreting Virginia Algonquian history as a means to educate the public. Native Peoples are still here and continue to reflect and draw from their own history. As we seek to understand their forgotten story and presence today, Machicomoco State Park will have a role in assisting the tribes with sharing their history and culture.

Stephen R. Adkins, the Chief of the Chickahominy Tribe, stated at the opening ceremony of the park that Machicomoco is a “giant step in our quest to ransom our history… [and to tell the] stories that have been held hostage for so long.”[1] Machicomoco State Park is the first step to “un-cancel” Indigenous culture and to bring it into our schools.[2] The rich Algonquian history of Tsenacommacah, their Native homeland, will be shared, taught, and interpreted as living history at the park; their story will not be sidelined any longer. Machicomoco visitors may never be able to fully understand the Indigenous people’s experiences, both past and present, but Machicomoco State Park will be the push to help the public to better understand the lost history of the Algonquians of Tidewater Virginia.[3]

Building a Park to Honor the Past and Present

The land that is now Machicomoco State Park has changed ownership several times over the years. Originally granted as a land patent to George Minifye in 1639, the farmland was later sold to the Catlett Family in 1792. A private developer purchased the property to build a gated community but ran into obstacles after the 2007 housing crisis and following recession. As part of the Surry-Skiffes Creek Transmission Line Project, Dominion Energy agreed to mitigation stipulations to provide funding for land acquisition, facilities construction, archaeological investigation and preservation. The land was purchased by the Conservation Fund as part of this agreement. Groundbreaking at Machicomoco began in 2019 with the property being transferred to the Virginia Department of Conservation and Recreation (DCR) on October 9, 2020. Machicomoco State Park opened in April of 2021 and became Virginia’s 40th state park. The property known as Middle Peninsula State Park, which consists of an additional 400+ acres adjacent to the Rosewell Plantation in Gloucester County, will eventually be developed in conjunction with Machicomoco.[4]

According to Machicomoco’s Chief Ranger Josh Mazzatenta, the park will undergo development following a 10-year master plan that will bring it up to par with other established Virginia State Parks. This process is reevaluated on a 10-year cycle. Currently, Machicomoco is under Phase 1 of its development and construction. Machicomoco is the first park to focus heavily on the story of the Algonquian people prior to the arrival of the English, where Chief Powhatan ruled over an extensive paramount chiefdom. The Tidewater region of Virginia was known as Tsenacommacah to the Powhatan people. Although there is no evidence of Powhatan villages within the boundaries of Machicomoco, archaeological evidence indicates that the Indigenous people extensively used the land for hunting and fishing. Machicomoco is located just down river of Werowocomoco, Chief Powhatan’s capital, and will be the place for everyone to come and enjoy the wonderful views and history of the Algonquian people.[5]

Powhatan’s Chiefdom and Werowocomoco

To put into perspective the extensive network of Powhatan’s chiefdom, present-day Virginia is 42,627 square miles, and at its peak, the Powhatan Confederacy encompassed roughly one-fifth of the state, or about 8,000 square miles. Chief Powhatan inherited six different chiefdoms at a young age. Through war and political maneuvering, the Powhatan Confederacy grew to consist of approximately 30 tribes in the Tidewater region with villages surrounding the capital, Werowocomoco. The capital was a horticultural village and the main location for important political and religious ceremonies for the Powhatan people.[6]

John Smith, “Illustration of Powhatan and Map of Virginia,” used in various publications, first in 1612.
http://www.virtualjamestown.org/jsmap_large.html

Chief Powhatan was able to keep control of his territory by placing his brothers and children as tributary chiefs, or werowances, of conquered tribes. Werowances were loyal to Powhatan and recognized his power and control over the vast territory. Chief Powhatan had well over one-hundred children with various wives across his territory. The Algonquian system of marriage allowed him to easily marry and divorce wives so that he could keep a strong and large kinship network while also maintaining political rule over his domain. Powhatan also collected a tax or tribute from the principal villages to obtain wealth and furnish his large family. Copper was a highly valued commodity inside the chiefdom and the wealthiest members lived close to Powhatan in Werowocomoco.[7]

Outside of Werowocomoco, the towns and villages were placed near waterways and, if available, on high ground for defense. Houses were scattered throughout the village with no formation of streets. The usual yihakan home was created by bending twigs and tying them together to create a barrel shape. The base was primarily made of red maple, black locust, or red cedar while the outer sticks were various fibrous roots and green wood from white oaks. They covered twigs in marsh reed or bark, but likely bark was only for the wealthier households as it kept the interior warmer. Natural light came in the yihakan through the door and the smoke hole in the roof. Inside an average home were bedsteads, a fire in the center, utensils for various activities, clay pots, bags, baskets, and a sundry of other items. Agricultural plots, often square, were located by the house of the women who worked them. Clearing land for cultivation was the job of the men but all other field work was left to the women, with children and older men helping. At the center of a village there was a larger field that all female villagers tended to support the community.[8]

M.P. Sharwood, “Jamestown Settlement, VA – Powhatan Village Reconstruction 1,” 1 January 2011.

Travel and Resources

Tidewater Virginia is a flooded coastline with many rivers, creeks, swamps, and estuaries for wildlife and vegetation to grow and flourish, as well as enriching the soil with water. Dugout canoes were the primary mode of transportation for the Algonquian people. They made canoes by taking a large cypress tree found close to the water and hollowing it by gradually charring the inside and scraping away ash with a stone tool or oyster shell. The largest canoes were about four feet deep and up to fifteen feet long, holding up to roughly forty people. The canoes were propelled with paddles or poles in shallow areas.[9]

Powhatan villages produced everything they needed as they had an abundance of resources, including venison, maize, oysters, copper, and clay. Fish were also an important part of the Native diet. Fishing and angling were like modern-day practices using canes, lines, baits, and fishhooks. Men made fishhooks with a knuckle or smaller ankle bone of a deer and carved it down to the shape of a hook, and women made fishnets from deer sinew or hemp cordage. Another fishing technique utilized arrows attached to a line and the bow, piercing the fish when shot. Most fishing was done out of canoes or from the shoreline.[10]

The Algonquian people foraged yearlong for plants to supplement their diet. Women oversaw foraging for food and cultivating plants. The diet throughout the year depended on the season and availability of resources. From March to April, the primary food choices were fish, turkey, and squirrel. During May through June, women began the process of planting the fields, so their diet was mostly nuts such as acorns, walnuts, and chestnuts. Fish and game caught during this season also sustained the Algonquian people. In late June to August, as seafood became more available, the diet shifted to include more crabs, oysters, turtles, and fish. In the summer months, seasonal plants like strawberries, mulberries, and tockohowberrye root or wild potatoes, were incorporated into their diet. September through February was often the time of year when there was less food available, so the Algonquian people primarily ate smoked and dried food they had stored. As soon as the weather began to warm, they returned to hunting, gathering, and farming.[11]

Pomeiooc Indian Village, The Other Jamestown – The Algonquian Exchange (virtual-jamestown.com)

The daily lives of men and women were quite different from one another. Men were often in higher positions of authority, such as rulers or priests, but there is evidence of women holding power. Although most women did not hold political power, they made the Powhatan chiefdom run efficiently. Women produced various tools for survival and were essential for food production. The amount of food that a woman produced could elevate her status within the tribe and secure her a better home or husband. Women crafted mats, baskets, pots, cordage, spoons, and planters. They planted, harvested, and pounded maize to make bread, gathered the firewood, and prepared every meal. Above all else, women were the carriers of the next generation, as they were responsible for raising the children. Women were the glue that held the Powhatan Chiefdom together and kept it strong.[12]

The Hunt

The land that makes up Machicomoco State Park was mostly used as hunting grounds for the Algonquian people. Sections of land divided the hunting grounds in the Powhatan chiefdom, each bound to a male hunter who controlled the area. The Algonquian hunter gained the land through an act of renting it from either Powhatan himself or his town’s werowance. The hunter had the exclusive privilege of setting traps on the land, with creeks dividing many of the plots for easy land markers. The hunter, however, did not own the land or hold possession over it. He was only allowed to use the bounty from it, and in time, the land was given to another. Land was not inheritable, so it did not always remain with a single family.[13]

The Tidewater region is a diverse habitat for various animals, so the Algonquians had a variety of hunting skills. In the marshy flats, they hunted wild ground fowl. In the Dismal Swamp, bears could be heard eating berries and breaking branches. Hunters quietly and slowly approached the bears before shooting them with arrows. In the cold months, hungry hunters also searched for bears in hibernation. Bears were prized game animals, and hunters would cut off the foot of the bear to keep as a trophy. Early mornings in the swamp, hunters also collected muskrats, raccoons, and opossums, while they shot ducks and other waterfowl near the rivers.[14]

Deer played a significant role in the everyday life of the Algonquian people and helped sustain their diet. Deer drives were often accomplished by a large crew of men. Half of the hunters occupied the canoes on the river and waited for the deer to come to the shallows before shooting them with arrows, while the other hunters advanced into the swamps to drive the deer out. They caught smaller game like rabbits, wild turkeys, doves, quail, robins, bats, and hawks by using trigger traps.[15]

Josh Mazzatenta, “Mazie Clark at the Dugout Canoe Demonstration,” October 2021, Machicomoco State Park, Virginia.

Algonquian hunters learned how to travel through muddy conditions. There are two types of mud that distinguish the Tidewater swamps: firm and floating. In firm mud, hunters did not allow their body weight to stay in one place for too long. One leg was constantly flexed, and the weight was carried on the shins, so they did not sink deep into the mud. In floating mud, hunters adapted by learning from their surroundings. Hunters moved through floating mud by laying on their stomachs like a turtle and used their limbs to propel forward. Through hunting trips, Algonquian men developed teamwork, survival skills, and experience in the field.[16]

Visiting Machicomoco

Machicomoco State Park is a special meeting place for everyone to enjoy and experience the history of the Indigenous people of Virginia. Visitors can hike or bike the trails and see the amazing wildlife that have inhabited the area for generations. The public can fish at the boat slips located along Timberneck Creek. Currently, the park includes a kayak launch so that visitors may take their personal kayaks or canoes out onto Poplar Creek. Visitors can then explore the Catlett Islands and beautiful marshlands along the Pamunkey River, or York River as it is known today. While on the water, one can see the vast amount of aquatic life and magnificent birds of park; there is even a chance to see dolphins in the creek.

Machicomoco’s campground allows for both recreational vehicles and primitive tent camping. It is the perfect place to escape and enjoy the diverse wildlife and spectacular natural surroundings with friends and family. There are several serene walking trails that snake through the woods next to the Pamunkey River. The primary location to immerse yourself in the history of the Algonquian-speaking people is the Interpretive Area. Visitors can walk along a timeline that leads underneath an open-air pavilion constructed in the style of a long house. The pavilion offers interpretive signage on the historical context of the land and the people that once were there and are still here today. Algonquian words and their English translations are scattered across the Interpretive Area and walking trails to further immerse park visitors in the Algonquian culture.

Mazie Clark, “Walking Trail with Word Interpretation.” September 2021, Machicomoco State Park, Virginia.

Machicomoco has plenty of room to grow and develop. We hope that you will visit Machicomoco State Park for educational opportunities and place-based learning about the culture and heritage of Virginia’s Indigenous people that once dominated the region and the persistence of tribes that still live on nearby lands. For more information, see Machicomoco State Park.

Acknowlegements

We would like to give special thanks to Machicomoco Chief Ranger Josh Mazzatenta (CNU History Alumnus), who provided Mazie Clark with an amazing internship opportunity at Machicomoco State Park and gave his time, expertise, and mentorship to this project. We also thank the on-site rangers at Machicomoco State Park who peer-reviewed this exhibit.

About the Author

Mazie Clark is a history alumna from Christopher Newport University. She completed a service-learning project with Machicomoco State Park, as well as an internship under the supervision of Chief Ranger Josh Mazzatenta, also a CNU history alumnus. She currently works for the Virginia Department of Conservation and Recreation, specializing in historical interpretation and education.

Works Cited

[1] Stephen R. Adkins, Machicomoco State Park, Machicomoco State Park Dedication – Live Friday April 16, 2021 at 11 a.m. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ew9_qQpJuC4&t=1886s .

[2] Adkins, Machicomoco State Park Dedication.

[3] Adkins, Machicomoco State Park Dedication.

[4] Josh Mazzatenta Interview with author, Machicomoco State Park, September 14, 2021.

[5] Mazzatenta Interview.

[6] James Mooney, “The Powhatan Confederacy, Past and Present.” American Anthropologist 9, no. 1 (1907): 129–52. http://www.jstor.org/stable/659023; Helen C. Rountree, Pocahontas’s People: the Powhatan Indians of Virginia Through Four Centuries (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 3-28.

[7] Helen C. Rountree, Pocahontas Powhatan Opechancanough: three Indian lives changed by Jamestown (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2005), 24-46.

[8] Helen C. Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 32-57.

[9] Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia, 32-57.

[10] Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia, 32-57.

[11] Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia, 32-57.

[12] Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia, 32-57.

[13] Frank G. Speck, Chapters on the Ethnology of the Powhatan Tribes of Virginia (New York: Museum of the American Indian, Heye foundation, 1928), 312-329.

[14] Speck, Chapters on the Ethnology, 330-350.

[15] Speck, Chapters on the Ethnology, 359-373.

[16] Speck, Chapters on the Ethnology, 330-350.

Bibliography

Adkins, Stephen R. Machicomoco State Park, Machicomoco State Park Dedication – Live 16 April 2021 at 11 a.m. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ew9_qQpJuC4&t=1886s.

Karow, Tom. Interview with author, Machicomoco State Park, 14 September 2021.

Mazzatenta, Josh. Interview with author, Machicomoco State Park, 14 September 2021.

Mooney, James. “The Powhatan Confederacy, Past and Present.” American Anthropologist 9, no. 1 (1907): 129–52.

Rountree, Helen C. Pocahontas, Powhatan, Opechancanough: three Indian lives changed by Jamestown. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2005.

__________. Pocahontas’s People: The Powhatan Indians of Virginia Through Four Centuries. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990.

__________.  The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989.

Speck, Frank G. Chapters on the Ethnology of the Powhatan Tribes of Virginia. New York: Museum of the American Indian, 1928.